I don't think much of demonstrations in democracies; maybe that's because of their recent agenda here. But the demonstrations in Hong Kong, leading to Tung Chee-hwa's climbdown look like something huge to me. As if it'll mean much for Hong Kong in the long term, much less China. But one can hope.

I don't see why this isn't a bigger story; I guess now I know how people who are interested in African news feel. Here's a little more by Philip P. Pan:

As residents of this gleaming port city in southern China awoke this morning, the news spread quickly: Though they cannot elect their chief executive, or even a majority of their lawmakers, they had forced the government to back down simply by marching through the streets.

and A Lin Neumann got it before the climbdown:

If China forces the legislation now, it stands a substantial chance of being defeated without the Liberal Party's votes. If the legislation is materially altered, opened to real public debate and delayed as critics want, it will be a triumph for the democracy of the streets. All this in China. Imagine that.

Yep, it's "a triumph for the democracy of the streets".

Update
Jonathan Watts writes The marchers make democracy work - and throw Hong Kong into crisis

Tung Chee-hwa, was forced into a humiliating u-turn on security legislation demanded by Beijing.

The chief executive, who was hand-picked by communist party bosses to steer Hong Kong after the transfer from British rule, undermined his authority and embarrassed his superiors on the mainland by announcing that he would delay an anti-subversion law in the face of an overwhelming display of people power and the loss of a key ally.

The climbdown marks a victory for the 500,000 residents who took to the streets last week in the biggest demonstration in the territory since the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests - and challenges the communist party to show whether it has changed since the murderous crackdown that followed.

Having misread the mood in Hong Kong, Beijing is now obliged to consider whether to prop up or replace Mr Tung, a choice that represents the toughest challenge yet to the "one-nation, two-systems" arrangement under which the territory is granted more freedoms and democracy than the mainland....

"This a big test for Beijing. If it wants to show the world that one country, two systems can work, then it must use a light hand. There is a lot of prestige involved. The stakes are very high."...

There is no precedent for a leader to step down mid-term. The Basic Law states vaguely that a chief executive should resign for "ill health or other reasons," but it would be embarrassing for leaders in Beijing to replace Mr Tung, whom they have supported publicly. As recently as last week, the new prime minister, Wen Jiabao, stood side by side with the chief executive in trying to reassure the territory that it had nothing to fear from the anti-subversion laws....

Hong Kong puts the [Communist] party in an unexpected bind. For the past six years, its assumption has been that the territory's seven million residents are more interested in making money than pursuing democracy. But the sudden surge of activism could set a precedent that threatens its own authority on the mainland.

Any crackdown, however, would endanger foreign investment, slowing the giant economic steps taken by China over the past 10 years. It would also ruin Beijing's hopes of wooing Taiwan with a similar "one-nation, two-systems" promise....

That's via the gweilodiaries, as is Frank Ching's analysis:

The current crisis in Hong Kong, precipitated by the government's gross mishandling of anti-subversion legislation, highlights a key feature of China's "one country, two systems" policy: When the central government interferes in the special administrative region's internal affairs, it creates an artificial environment that results in political imbalance.

Meanwhile Philip P. Pan says,

pro-Beijing politicians called on Tung to respond to the outpouring of public anger by improving the city's ailing economy, firing members of his cabinet and stepping down as chief executive, if necessary. The Hong Kong people want a better, more effective government, they said, but not necessarily a democratically elected one.

He concludes,

Democracy advocates have often talked about Hong Kong serving as a model for the rest of China, while Chinese officials have repeatedly expressed concerns about activists using the city as a base for "subversive activities" on the mainland. It was that fear that drove the central government's push for the security bill in the first place.

It looks like it'll end in tears for the pro-democracy advocates.